Wednesday, May 23, 2012

Does globalization mean we will become one culture?

Does globalization mean we will become one culture?

Fast food outlets around the world (Images copyright: Getty Images)
(Images copyright: Getty Images)
Modern humans have created many thousands of distinct cultures. So what will it mean if globalization turns us into one giant, homogenous world culture? 

Stroll into your local Starbucks and you will find yourself part of a cultural experiment on a scale never seen before on this planet. In less than half a century, the coffee chain has grown from a single outlet in Seattle to nearly 20,000 shops in around 60 countries. Each year, it’s near identical stores serve cups of near identical coffee in near identical cups to hundreds of thousands of people. For the first time in history, your morning cappuccino is the same no matter whether you are sipping it in Tokyo, New York, Bangkok or Buenos Aries.
Of course, it is not just Starbucks. Select any global brand from Coca Cola to Facebook and the chances are you will see or feel their presence in most countries around the world. It is easy to see this homogenization in terms of loss of diversity, identity or the westernization of society. But, the rapid pace of change also raises the more interesting question of why – over our relatively short history - humans have had so many distinct cultures in the first place. And, if diversity is a part of our psychological make-up, how we will fare in a world that is increasingly bringing together people from different cultural backgrounds and traditions?
To get at this question, I argue that we need to understand what I call our unique ‘capacity for culture’. This trait, which I outline in my book Wired for Culture, makes us stand alone amongst all other animals. Put simply, we can pick up where others have left off, not having to re-learn our cultural knowledge each generation, as good ideas build successively upon others that came before them, or are combined with other ideas giving rise to new inventions.
Take the axe as an example. At first we built simple objects like hand axes chipped or “flaked” from larger stones.  But these would give way to more sophisticated axes, and when someone had the idea to combine a shaped club with one of these hand axes, the first “hafted axe” was born.  Similarly when someone had the idea to stretch a vine between the ends of a bent stick the first bow was born and you can be sure the first arrow soon followed.
Life savers
In more recent history, this ‘cumulative cultural adaptation’ that our capacity for culture grants has been accelerated by the rise of archiving technology. Papyrus scrolls, books and the internet allow us to even more effectively share knowledge with successive generations, opening up an unbridgeable gap in the evolutionary potential between humans and all other animals.
Chimpanzees, for example, are renowned for their “tool use” and we think this is evidence of their intelligence. But you could go away for a million years and upon your return the chimpanzees would still be using the same sticks to ‘fish’ for termites and the same rocks to crack open nuts – their “cultures” do not cumulatively adapt.  Rather than picking up where others have left off, they start over every generation. Just think if you had to re-discover how to make fire, tan leather, extract bronze or iron from earth, or build a smartphone from scratch.  That is what it is like to be the other animals.
Not so for humans. Around 60,000 years ago, cumulative cultural adaptation was what propelled modern humans out of Africa in small tribal groups, by enabling us to acquire knowledge and produce technologies suitable to different environments.  Eventually these tribes would occupy nearly every environment on Earth – from living on ice to surviving in deserts or steaming jungles, even becoming sea-going mariners as the Polynesians did. And amongst each one we see distinct sets of beliefs, customs, language and religion.

The importance of the tribe in our evolutionary history has meant that natural selection has favoured in us a suite of psychological dispositions for making our cultures work and for defending them against competitors.  These traits include cooperation, seeking affiliations, a predilection to coordinating our activities, and tendencies to trade and exchange goods and services.  Thus, we have taken cooperation and sociality beyond the good relations among family members that dominate the rest of the animal kingdom, to making cooperation work among wider groups of people.
In fact, we have evolved a set of dispositions that allow us to treat other members of our tribe or society as “honorary relatives”, thereby unlocking a range of emotions that we would normally reserve for other family members.  A good example of this so-called cultural nepotism is the visceral feeling you have when one of your nation’s soldiers is lost in battle – just compare that feeling to how you react to the news of a similar loss of a soldier from another nation. We also see our cultural nepotism in the dispositions we have to hold doors for people, give up our seats on trains, or contribute to charities, and we might even risk our lives jumping into a river to save someone from drowning, or when we fight for our countries in a war.
Of course, this nepotism is not just a positive force. It is also a trait that can be exploited by propagandists and to produce Kamikaze-like or other suicidal behaviors. But the success of cooperation as a strategy has seen our species for at least the last 10,000 years on a long evolutionary trajectory towards living in larger and larger social groupings that bring together people from different tribal origins.  The economies of scale that we realize even in a small grouping ‘scale up’ in larger groups, so much so that larger groups can often afford to have armies, to build defensive walls around their settlements.  Large groups also benefit from the efficiencies that flow from a division of labour, and from access to a vast shared store of information, skills, technology and good luck.
‘One world’
And so in a surprising turn, the very psychology that allows us to form and cooperate in small tribal groups, makes it possible for us to form into the larger social groupings of the modern world.  Thus, early in our history most of us lived in small bands of maybe 50 to 200 people.  At some point tribes formed that were essentially coalitions or bands of bands.  Collections of tribes later formed into chiefdoms in which for the first time in our history a single ruler emerged.
Eventually several chiefdoms would come together in nascent city-states such as Catal-Huyuk in present day Turkey or Jericho in the Palestinian West-Bank, both around 10,000 years old.  City-states gave way to nations states, and eventually to collections of states such as the United Kingdom or the United States, and even in our modern world to collections of nations such as seen in the European Union.  At each step formerly competing entities discovered that cooperation could return better outcomes than endless cycles of betrayal and revenge.
This is not to say that cooperation is easy, or that it is never subject to reversals.  Just look at the outpouring of cultural diversity that sprang up with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Despite being suppressed for decades, almost overnight Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Chechnya, Tajikistan, Moldova, Kyrgyzstan, and Dagestan reappeared, all differentiated by culture, ethnicity, and language.
So how will these two competing tendencies that comprise our evolved tribal psychology – one an ancient disposition to produce lots of different cultures, the other an ability to extend honorary relative status to others even in large groupings  – play out in our modern, interconnected and globalised world?   There is in principle no reason to rule out a “one world” culture, and in some respects, as Starbucks vividly illustrates, we are already well on the way.

Thus, it seems our tribal psychology can extend to groups of seemingly nearly any size.  In large countries such as the United Kingdom, Japan, the United States, Brazil, India and China hundreds of millions and even over a billion people can all be united around a single tribal identity as British or Japanese, American, Indian or Chinese and they will have a tendency to direct their cultural nepotism towards these other members of their now highly extended tribe.  If you take this behaviour for granted, just imagine 100,000 dogs or hyenas packed into a sporting arena – not a pretty sight.
‘Bumpy road’
But two factors looming on the horizon are likely to slow the rate at which cultural unification will happen.  One is resources, the other is demography.   Cooperation has worked throughout history because large collections of people have been able to use resources more effectively and provide greater prosperity and protection than smaller groups.  But that could change as resources become scarce.
This must be one of the most pressing social questions we can ask because if people begin to think they have reached what we might call ‘peak standard of living’ then they will naturally become more self-interested as the returns from cooperation begin to leak away.  After all, why cooperate when there are no spoils to divide?
Related to this, the dominant demographic trend of the next century will be the movement of people from poorer to richer regions of the world.  Diverse people will be brought together who have little common cultural identity of the sort that historically has prompted our cultural nepotism, and this will happen at rates that exceed those at which they can be culturally integrated.
At first, I believe, these factors will cause people to pull back from whatever level of cultural ‘scaling’ they have achieved to the previous level.  An example is the nations of the European Union squabbling over national versus EU rights and privileges.  A more troubling example might be the rise of nationalist groups and political parties, such as Marine le Pen’s Front National in France, or similar far right groups in Britain and several European nations.
Then, if the success of modern societies up to this point is anything to go by, new and ever more heterogeneous and resource-scarce societies will increasingly depend upon clear enforcement of cultural or democratically derived rules to maintain stability, and will creak under the strain of smaller social groupings seeking to disengage further from the whole.
One early harbinger of a sense of decline in the sense of ‘social relatedness’ might be the increasing tendencies of people to avoid risk, to expect safety, to be vigilant about fairness, to require and to be granted “rights.” These might all be symptoms of a greater sense of self-interest, brought about perhaps by declines in the average amount of “togetherness” we feel.  When this happens, we naturally turn inwards, effectively reverting to our earlier evolutionary instincts, to a time when we relied on kin selection or cooperation among families for our needs to be met.
Against this backdrop the seemingly unstoppable and ever accelerating cultural homogenization around the world brought about by travel, the internet and social networking, although often decried, is probably a good thing even if it means the loss of cultural diversity: it increases our sense of togetherness via the sense of a shared culture.  In fact, breaking down of cultural barriers – unfashionable as this can sound – is probably one of the few things that societies can do to increase harmony among ever more heterogeneous peoples.

So, to my mind, there is little doubt that the next century is going to be a time of great uncertainty and upheaval as resources, money and space become ever more scarce.  It is going to be a bumpy road with many setbacks and conflicts. But if there was ever a species that could tackle these challenges it is our own.  It might be surprising, but our genes, in the form of our capacity for culture, have created in us a machine capable of greater cooperation, inventiveness and common good than any other on Earth. And of course it means you can always find a cappuccino just the way you like it no matter where we wake up. 

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Who works the longest hours?

Who works the longest hours?


Clockwise from top left: medical staff, cook, factory worker, office man, taxi rank
Chill winds sweeping the world economy have left many people out of a job, and some of those still working have been asked to worker longer hours for the same pay. Recently the UK government urged the country to work harder, after slipping back into recession. So which countries put the most hours in?
A look at the average annual hours worked per person in selected countries puts South Korea top with a whopping 2,193 hours, followed by Chile on 2,068.
British workers clock up 1,647 hours and Germans 1,408 - putting them at the bottom of the table, above only the Netherlands.
Greek workers have had a bad press recently but, as we reported in February, they work longer hours than any other Europeans. Their average of 2,017 hours a year puts them third in the international ranking, based on figures compiled by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).

Time off around the world

  • Workers are generally given paid annual leave and paid public holidays
  • In many countries, though not the US, a minimum amount of paid leave is guaranteed by law
  • In European Union countries this minimum ranges from 20 to 25 days, but in practice the figure is often higher - in Germany and Denmark the average was 30 days in 2010
  • Public holidays in the EU vary from five in the Netherlands, to 14 in Spain (2010 figures) - in England and Wales there are eight in a normal year, in Scotland nine, and in Northern Ireland 10
  • Workers in the US are given an average of nine days of paid leave and six paid public holidays (2006 figures)
  • Not all employees take the paid leave they are entitled to - Japanese workers were given 18 days on average in 2010, but took less than half of it
Source: European Industrial Relations Observatory; Center for Economic and Policy Research; Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training
It's worth mentioning that the OECD has only 34 members - most of them developed countries - and some very important countries, such as India, China and Brazil, are not among them.
The OECD data includes full and part-time salaried workers and the self-employed. It includes all the hours they work, including overtime.
While figures are available for some other parts of the world, they are not directly comparable to the OECD data because they are collated very differently or they are out of date, so we are focusing only on the OECD nations.
But by looking at data from the OECD and the International Labour Organization (ILO) we can see some broad and interesting trends.
"Asian countries tend to work the longest [hours], they also have the highest proportion of workers that are working excessively long hours of more than 48 hours a week," says Jon Messenger, an ILO expert on working hours.
"Korea sticks out because it's a developed country that's working long hours," he says. "Normally it's developing countries like Bangladesh, Malaysia, Thailand, Sri Lanka - countries like this that are working long hours."
But working longer doesn't necessarily mean working better.
"Generally speaking, long working hours are associated with lower productivity per hour. Workers are working very long hours to achieve a minimum level of output or to achieve some minimum level of wages because frankly they're not very productive," Messenger says.
Japanese office workers Workers in Asian countries put in the hours
The picture is very different in the developed world, where working hours have been falling.
"Over the last century, you've seen a reduction from very long working hours - nearly 3,000 a year at the beginning of the 1900s - to the turn of the 21st Century when most developing countries were under 1,800 hours," says Messenger. "And indeed some of the most productive countries were even lower than that."
The drop in working hours is in part a reflection of the greater number of part-time workers in the developed world. A large number of part-time workers brings down a country's average - in the case of Japan, for example, a high proportion of people work excessive hours, but many also work part-time, leaving the country in the middle of the table, with 1,700 hours.
"You have more and more people working part-time hours," says Messenger. "They're quite capable of supporting themselves, quite capable of producing what they need to produce, so it's just not necessary to work longer than that."

More or Less: Behind the stats

Listen to More or Less on BBC Radio 4 and the World Service, or download the free podcast
Tighter labour laws in developed countries, particularly in Europe, have also reduced working hours. The differences between the most developed nations are small but leave entitlement makes a difference.
Messenger says the average Briton works 150 fewer hours than an American.
"The difference is really driven by the fact that the US is the only developed country that has no legal or contractual or collective requirement to provide any minimum amount of annual leave," he says.
The UK, in contrast, is subject to the European working time directive, which requires at least four weeks of paid annual leave for every employee.
Some European countries have a higher statutory level of paid leave - 25 days in Austria, Denmark, France, Italy, Luxembourg and Sweden in 2010, according to the European Industrial Relations Observatory (Eiro). And some employers provide more paid leave than the statutory miniumum.
Paid public holidays, which come on top of that, averaged between nine and 10 in the European Union in 2010.
"The combined total of agreed annual leave and public holidays varied in the EU from 40 days in Germany and Denmark to 27 days in Romania - a difference of around 48% or 2.5 working weeks," Eiro said in a report published last year.
When comparing hours worked, however, there's one more thing which must be acknowledged.
Each country collects its own data, and their methods may be not always be perfectly comparable.

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Calcium pills have 'heart risk'

Calcium pills have 'heart risk'


Calcium pills Researchers urge caution on calcium pills

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People who take calcium supplements could be increasing their risk of having a heart attack, according to researchers in Germany.
Calcium is often taken by older people to strengthen bones and prevent fractures.
But the study, published in the journal Heart, said the supplements "should be taken with caution".
Experts say promoting a balanced diet including calcium would be a better strategy.
The researchers at the German Cancer Research Centre, in Heidelberg, followed 23,980 people for more than a decade.
They compared the number of heart attacks in people who were taking calcium supplements with those who did not.
'Taken with caution'

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We need to determine whether the potential risks of the supplements outweigh the benefits calcium can give sufferers of conditions such as osteoporosis”
Natasha Stewart British Heart Foundation
There were 851 heart attacks among the 15,959 people who did not take any supplements at all. However, people taking calcium supplements were 86% more likely to have had a heart attack during the study.
The researchers said that heart attacks "might be substantially increased by taking calcium supplements" and that they "should be taken with caution".
Dr Carrie Ruxton, from The Health Supplements Information Service, said: "Osteoporosis is a real issue for women and it is irresponsible for scientists to advise that women cut out calcium supplements on the basis of one flawed survey, particularly when the link between calcium, vitamin D and bone health is endorsed by the European Food Safety Authority."
The British Heart Foundation (BHF) said patients prescribed the supplements should keep taking their medication, but should also speak to their doctor if they were concerned.
'Not safe' Natasha Stewart, a senior cardiac nurse with the BHF, said: "This research indicates that there may be an increased risk of having a heart attack for people who take calcium supplements.
"However, this does not mean that these supplements cause heart attacks.
"Further research is needed to shed light on the relationship between calcium supplements and heart health. We need to determine whether the potential risks of the supplements outweigh the benefits calcium can give sufferers of conditions such as osteoporosis."
Ian Reid and Mark Bolland, researchers at the University of Auckland in New Zealand, said: "The evidence is also becoming steadily stronger that it is not safe, nor is it particularly effective.
"Therefore, the administration of this micro nutrient should not be encouraged; rather people should be advised to obtain their calcium intake from an appropriately balanced diet.
"We should return to seeing calcium as an important component of a balanced diet and not as a low cost panacea to the universal problem of postmenopausal bone loss."
A spokeswoman for the UK's Department of Health said it would consider the study carefully once the complete article had been published.
"The majority of people do not need to take a calcium supplement," she said.
"A healthy balanced diet will provide all the nutrients, including calcium, that they need. Good sources of calcium include milk and dairy foods, fortified dairy food alternatives, e.g. soya drink, and green leafy vegetables."

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Ancient walking mystery deepens

Ancient walking mystery deepens


Reconstruction of the body of Ichthyostega Reconstruction of the body of Ichthyostega

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One of the first creatures to step on land could not have walked on four legs, 3D computer models show.
Textbook pictures of the 360-million-year-old animal moving like a salamander are incorrect, say scientists.
Instead, it would have hauled itself from the water using its front limbs as crutches, research in Nature suggests.
The move from living in water to life on land - a pivotal moment in evolution - must have been a gradual one.
Ichthyostega is something of an icon in the fossil world. Living during the Upper Devonian period, it was dubbed a "fishapod", with its mixture of fish-like and amphibious features.

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Our reconstruction demonstrates that the old idea, often seen in popular books and museum displays, of Ichthyostega looking and walking like a large salamander, with four sturdy legs, is incorrect”
Prof Jenny Clack University of Cambridge
Although it probably spent much of its time under water, at times it was thought to have crawled halfway up onto land on limb-like flippers.
Exactly how it moved on land has been a matter of much debate, however.
Now, a team from The Royal Veterinary College, London and the University of Cambridge, has spent three years reconstructing the first 3D computer model of Ichthyostega from fossils.
It enabled them to study how ancient vertebrates made the "monumental transition" from swimming to walking.
Study author Dr Stephanie Pierce, of The Royal Veterinary College, said the 3D skeleton allowed them to calculate the range of movement in the joints of its limbs for the first time.
The research suggests the animal shuffled on land using hind limb movements similar to that seen in seals rather than moving its limbs in the familiar walking pattern seen today.
Dr Pierce told BBC News: "We're almost bringing the animal back to life by doing this.
"What we've discovered is that some early tetrapods definitely did not have the ability to walk on land. We at this stage are not actually sure which animals - or group of animals - were the first to do this."
Co-author Prof Jenny Clack from the University of Cambridge added: "Our reconstruction demonstrates that the old idea, often seen in popular books and museum displays, of Ichthyostega looking and walking like a large salamander, with four sturdy legs, is incorrect."
Fundamental question Commenting on the study, Dr Susannah Maidment of London's Natural History Museum, said understanding where we came from, or where all the things that live on the land came from, is one of the most fundamental questions.
"What this study suggests is that this animal, which has been traditionally thought of as the first four legged animal to walk on land wasn't walking on land at all.
"It sends us almost back to the drawing board...I guess it even sends you back to the field to look for more fossils."
The research, reported in a paper in Nature, was funded by the Natural Environment Research Council.

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